The Fascism that’s Winning

John Michael Greer’s grasp of the fascist phenomenon is much stronger than Samir Amin’s. As might be expected from a voice so unambiguously aligned with the Left, Amin is entirely indifferent to the essentially populist nature of fascism and its erosion of property rights.

Property has no meaning apart from free disposal, equivalent to an Exit option on a particular instantiation of wealth. Fascism’s statist subordination of the independent ‘plutocracy’ — realized through more-or-less severe restrictions on the free disposal of assets, both formal and informal — is therefore inconsistent with the protection of private property, which is rather eroded from its foundations. (Where communism expropriates, fascism — more efficiently — attenuates.)

Amin is therefore writing from a position of structurally-unobservant Marxist dogma when he remarks of “fascist regimes” in general:

… they were all willing to manage the government and society in such a way as not to call the fundamental principles of capitalism into question, specifically private capitalist property, including that of modern monopoly capitalism. That is why I call these different forms of fascism particular ways of managing capitalism and not political forms that challenge the latter’s legitimacy, even if “capitalism” or “plutocracies” were subject to long diatribes in the rhetoric of fascist speeches. The lie that hides the true nature of these speeches appears as soon as one examines the “alternative” proposed by these various forms of fascism, which are always silent concerning the main point — private capitalist property.

On the contrary — every fascist regime qualifies the liberal right to free disposal of ‘strategic’ economic assets, and thus subverts “private capitalist property” at the root. Indeed, the forms of property most radically affected by fascist governance are precisely those identifiable with a capitalistic (i.e. productive) character. In the case of large-scale capital assets determined as the ‘commanding heights’ of a modern industrial economy, especially those of clear military significance, utilization is directed as stringently under fascist conditions as communistic ones (although typically with considerably greater administrative competence and pragmatic flexibility). When socialism emphasizes practicality, it tends to adopt fascistic traits — such as nationalism and state-supervised bourgeois management — automatically.

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Twitter cuts (#11)

UF began following Jehu on twitter (blog) without expecting to agree with much. Instead, there has been tweet-storming like this:

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